大學(xué)體驗(yàn)英語綜合教程3聽力(4)

大學(xué)體驗(yàn)英語綜合教程3聽力

　　大學(xué)體驗(yàn)英語綜合教程3聽力：Drug Warriors

　　Billy White was wearing a jacket with the word "POLICE" printed on the back, and jeans. His piece was a Glock, a nine-millimeter pistol - New Haven Police Department standard issue. Around him, White recognized state cops, special agents from the DEA, officers from the U.S. Marshal's office, FBI special agents, and other police detectives like himself. There were anti-drug case agents from the ATF, and intelligence officers from the police departments of nearby cities. White looked around. These were his people, his soldiers, the ones who would be by his side on the front lines. This was the New Haven Drug Gang Task Force, and Lieutenant Billy White was in charge of it.

　　It was 3 a.m., and most of the men had been up since the morning before. But none of them would sleep that night either. They had a big day ahead of them. Hours earlier, White had been in his office, preparing warrants. Meanwhile, the New Haven Airport had quietly filled with federal agents, flying in from New York and Washington, DC. They had then gathered at the western corner of the city. The team's field headquarters that night would be an empty building on the very edge of town. The 300-man team of federal agents, state police, and local police had gathered to discuss the next step in the war on drugs.

　　White listened as his friend Kevin Kline, an FBI special agent and one of the original members of the task force, was speaking to the law enforcement army. Kline laid out the battle plan for the morning's drug bust: the agents were to organize themselves into squads, forming arrest teams and back-up crews. The teams assigned to carry out raids received arrest packets containing the names, addresses, and photographs of each suspect, as well as search warrants issued by the federal court. At 5:30 a.m., the teams were to split up, each reporting to their designated sites to prepare for the final stage of the operation: making the arrests.

　　As he listened, White asked himself the same question that everyone else in the room must have been thinking. Could the team pull off a successful bust? Born and raised in New Haven, White still remembered a time when New Haven was considered a peaceful town. In 1960, only six murders, four rapes, and 16 robberies were reported. But soon, the drug gangs set up shop, and the turf wars began. With the gangs came gang violence: drive-by shootings, innocent victims killed, murders in broad daylight. In 1990, there were 31 murders, 168 rapes, and 1 784 robberies. "Back then it was hell," White recalls. "I thought, 'What are we doing?'"

　　At exactly 6 a.m., the task force executed a coordinated sweep, arresting 29 out of the 32 people on the list. The arrests in the New Haven area all proceeded without incident. Afterwards, FBI special agent Robert Grispino was struck by the cops' intense emotion. "It was quite a sight," he told reporters. "With some of the New Haven cops, there were tears in their eyes." Billy White, of course, was among them. "We got some big fish, too, guys that handled multi, multi, multi kilos," says White. Of the 29 arrested, about 13 were Colombian citizens. The task force had successfully arrested many of the importers and distributors that had connections with source companies. "The core organization that they arrested here in New Haven had direct connections with Miami, San Juan, and Cali," says Grispino.

　　Meanwhile, the entire Cali cartel leadership has been arrested by a Colombian police squad. Eight of the top nine Cali drug lords have given themselves up to Colombian authorities or been killed in gunfights with police. Today, New Haven residents are once again venturing out into the streets. The neighborhoods feel safer. In fact, the task force's operations have proven to be so successful that they have attracted national attention. As for Billy White and his team, they continue to do what they have always done. "I think we can win the war on drugs," says White. "I'll probably be gone by then. But I think someday, we'll work our way out of a job, and there won't be any more gangs left in this city."

　　大學(xué)體驗(yàn)英語綜合教程3聽力：Return from the Cage

　　It was the open space in Austin that initially overwhelmed me. I couldn't adjust to it. The ease with which I could get in a car and drive to any place left me bewildered and confused. Where were the military checkpoints? Where were the armed soldiers asking for my identification papers? Where were the barricades that would force me to turn back?

　　I had just returned to the United States after an absence of 11 years, during which I lived in a refugee camp in Bethlehem, the town where Christ was born. I was not used to freedom of movement, nor to going more than a few miles without encountering military checkpoints.

　　Getting comfortable with my sudden freedom in Austin was going to take time. I had to adjust to no longer feeling like an animal inside a cage. Most days, I felt utterly dazed. I would spend hours sitting on a stone bench at the University of Texas, staring at the squirrels and the birds. The green lawns brought tears to my eyes.

　　My mind would drift to the refugee camp in Bethlehem, and to 3-year-old Marianna, my delightful ex-neighbor. Marianna has never seen a green lawn in her life and has never seen a squirrel. She lives confined to Bethlehem, forced to remain a prisoner behind the checkpoints and the military barricades. The distance between Marianna's house and Jerusalem is no further than the distance from my South Austin home to downtown. Yet Marianna has never been to Jerusalem and is unlikely to go there anytime in the near future, because no Palestinian can venture into the Holy City without a special Israeli-issued permit, and those permits are almost impossible to come by.

　　But adjusting to my sudden freedom paled in comparison to overcoming my fears and my nightmares. When I left Bethlehem, the second Palestinian uprising against Israel's military occupation was already two months under way. The sound of bomb explosions, gunfire and Apache helicopters overhead lingered in my mind. Hard as I tried, I couldn't shake the sounds away. They were always there, ringing inside my head.

　　Now, in Austin, there were nightmares. I would dream either of friends being shot dead, or see pools of blood spilling from human bodies, or that I myself was the target of gunfire. I would wake up in a sweat, terrified of going back to sleep. During the day, the sound of police or ambulance sirens made me jumpy. Helicopters flying overhead made me uneasy. I had to constantly remind myself that these were most often civilian and not military helicopters. I had to remind myself that the ambulances were not rushing to the wounded demonstrators.

　　I looked around me, and I wondered if anyone realized, or even knew, that the Apache helicopters being used by the Israeli military to shell innocent Palestinian civilians are actually made in this country! As a writer in Palestine, I had regularly visited bombed-out houses in search of stories. The home of a young nurse sticks out in my mind. A few miles away from the stable in Bethlehem where Christ is said to have been born, her house came under attack by Israeli tanks and was completely burned. I held the remains of some of the tank shells in my two bare hands and read the inscription: "Made in Mesa, Arizona."

　　I wanted to stand on a chair and scream this information to everyone walking through the mall. The tear gas civilians inhale in the Palestinian Territories is made in Pennsylvania, and the helicopters and the F-16 fighter planes are also made in the USA. Yet here in this society, no one appears to care that their tax money funds armies that bring death and destruction to civilians, civilians who are no different from civilians in this country.

　　And I worry about the indifference in this country. I worry because someday, young American men will find themselves fighting another Vietnam War - this time possibly in the Middle East - without a notion of what it is they are doing there. And we will have a repetition of history: Mothers will lose sons and wives will lose husbands in an unnecessary war. I have been repeating this warning in all the talks I have been giving in the past nine months. No one took me seriously. I couldn't understand why young Americans, with their whole futures ahead of them, should go to die in a war they will not understand.

　　大學(xué)體驗(yàn)英語綜合教程3聽力

　　Yitzhak Rabin was elected Israel's prime minister in June 1992. He fought for peace and came into contact with states and politicians against whom he had fought numerous wars. The historic handshake between Yitzhak Rabin and Yasir Arafat marked the beginning of the peace process. Yitzhak Rabin's peace policy received broad support from the people, but it also enraged many who opposed compromise with the PLO. The following is Yitzhak Rabin's last speech, delivered at a peace rally in Tel Aviv on November 4, 1995. Moments later he was shot by a young Jewish student and died for peace.

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　　Yes to Peace ― No to Violence

　　Permit me to say that I am deeply moved.

　　I wish to thank each and every one of you who have come here today to take a stand against violence and for peace. This government, which I am privileged to head, together with my friend Shimon Peres, decided to give peace a chance - a peace that will solve most of Israel's problems.

　　I was a military man for 27 years. I fought as long as there was no chance for peace. I believe that there is now a chance for peace, a great chance. We must take advantage of it for the sake of those standing here, and for those who are not here - and they are many.

　　?I have always believed that the majority of the people want peace and are ready to take risks for peace. In coming here today, you demonstrate, together with many others who did not come, that the people truly desire peace and oppose violence.

　　Violence erodes the basis of Israeli democracy. It must be condemned and isolated.

　　This is not the way of the State of Israel. In a democracy there can be differences, but the final decision will be taken in democratic elections, as the 1992 elections which gave us the mandate to do what we are doing, and to continue on this course.

　　I want to say that I am proud of the fact that representatives of the countries with whom we are living in peace are present with us here, and will continue to be here: Egypt, Jordan, and Morocco, which opened the road to peace for us. I want to thank the President of Egypt, the King of Jordan, and the King of Morocco, represented here today, for their partnership with us in our march towards peace.

　　 But, more than anything, in the more than three years of this Government's existence, the Israeli people has proven that it is possible to make peace, that peace opens the door to a better economy and society; that peace is not just a prayer.

　　 Peace is first of all in our prayers, but it is also the aspiration of the Jewish people, a genuine aspiration for peace.

　　 There are enemies of peace who are trying to hurt us, in order to torpedo the peace process.

　　 I want to say bluntly, that we have found a partner for peace among the Palestinians as well: the PLO, which was an enemy, and has ceased to engage in terrorism. Without partners for peace, there can be no peace.

　　 We will demand that they do their part for peace, just as we will do our part for peace, in order to solve the most complicated, prolonged, and emotionally charged aspect of the Israeli-Arab conflict: the Palestinian- Israeli conflict.

　　This is a course which is fraught with difficulties and pain. For Israel, there is no path that is without pain.

　　But the path of peace is preferable to the path of war.

　　I say this to you as one who was a military man, someone who is today Minister of Defense and sees the pain of the families of the IDF soldiers. For them, for our children, in my case for our grandchildren, I want this Government to exhaust every opening, every possibility, to promote and achieve a comprehensive peace. Even with Syria, it will be possible to make peace.

　　This rally must send a message to the Israeli people, to the Jewish people around the world, to the many people in the Arab world, and indeed to the entire world, that the Israeli people want peace, support peace.

　　For this, I thank you.